“Gender and Agricultural Water Management (AWM)” is a cross-cutting approach that considers gendered constraints and impacts in AWM. In the last few decades, recognising the importance of gender has become one of the most important concepts of international development cooperation. However, agriculture and AWM are lagging behind, as the crucial contribution of women to agricultural production in developing countries has only in recent years been acknowledged on a broader scale. With women forming on average 43% of the agricultural labour force in developing countries, (ranging from 20% in Latin America to 50% in Africa)[1], their role and inclusion in agricultural water management has been identified as one of the most crucial challenges in reaching global food and water security. Secondly and equally important, the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women is a goal in itself. The consideration of gender needs and preferences in AWM allows women to fulfil their potential, to act upon their rights and obligations more effectively, and to raise their (personal) production and income, among others. Consequently, women’s status and decision-making power in household and society is improved.
Background
The Gender Approach
There are various, mostly rather similar definitions of gender, two of which are presented here. FAO defines gender as “the relations between men and women, both perceptual and material. Gender is not determined biologically, as a result of sexual characteristics of either women or men, but is constructed socially. It is a central organizing principle of societies, and often governs the processes of production and reproduction, consumption and distribution”.[2] According to the World Bank, gender “identifies the social relations between men and women. It refers to the relationship between men and women, boys and girls, and how this is socially constructed. Gender roles are dynamic and change over time”.[3]
In development cooperation, gender equality - a state where “women and men enjoy equal rights, opportunities and entitlements in civil and political life”[4] - is pursued for various reasons. Aside from it being “a core development objective in its own right, […] greater gender equality can enhance productivity, improve development outcomes for the next generation, and make institutions more representative”.[5] In the context of gender equality, it is crucial to realise that treating men and women equally does not equate treating them identically; i.e. men and women might have different needs, interests and desires. Equally important, when adopting a gender approach, a differentiation between women has to be made. This means recognizing that not all women want the same things, as marital status, age, ethnic group, location, as well as personal preference might all influence desires and goals. Also, a woman might pursue different goals simultaneously, in her various roles as mother, daughter, wife or sister.
Regarding the international development policy framework, gender empowerment is directly targeted by the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 3 “Promote Gender Equality and Empower Women”, and indirectly by others, most prominently MDGs 1, 2 and 5. As for the international recognition of the importance of gender aspects in water management, the most important policy document is the “Dublin Statement on Water and Sustainable Development” (Dublin Principles). This is a declaration of international water experts from 1992 which established guiding principles for IWRM and form the foundation of global water policies. Dublin Principle No. 3 “Women play a central part in the provision, management and safeguarding of water” calls for a greater recognition of women’s triple role as “providers and users of water and guardians of the living environment”. This statement stipulates the promotion of policies that (1) recognise women’s water related needs and (2) support their active participation at all levels of water management and decision-making. Even though the original Dublin statement does not explicitly mention gender aspects of agricultural water use, by referring to water use in general, AWM is also encompassed.
This focus on gender is reflected in various policy papers, action plans, strategies and guides, specific funds and the dedication of flagship publications (see [5][6][7][8][9][1]).
Women’s Roles in Water Management
In many developing countries, women have reproductive (e.g. child care, domestic work) and productive duties (e.g. agricultural work such as weeding, etc.), leading to them often working longer hours and being involved in more activities than men. Lately, the effects of a changing global economy, e.g. increasing participation of women in off-farm economic activities and large-scale male out-migration, have exacerbated this situation and lead to the overburdening of women in many contexts. For example, male out-migration in Yemen to cities and other Gulf countries has led to an increasing involvement of rural women in irrigated agriculture - a traditionally male reserve - without being compensated by a decrease of other female chores.[10]
In both their reproductive and productive role, women play an important role in the utilization and conservation of natural resources, such as water. Women are often responsible for drinking water collection, family hygiene/health and the watering of (small) livestock. At the same time they are often heavily involved in agricultural labour and, to a lesser extent, off-farm economic activities (e.g. beer brewing), which require both water access and sound water management.
Even though women’s water-related reproductive duties, such as water collection, are very important, the current tendency of policy papers to overemphasize them at the detriment of productive duties is regrettable.[11] Women’s involvement in AWM is part of these water-related productive duties.
Gender and AWM
“Gender and AWM” is both about gendered constraints and gendered impacts related to AWM. On the one hand, access to AWM might be gender constrained, for example, women might be disadvantaged in their access to irrigation due to missing land rights. On the other hand, the impact of AWM might be gendered; for instance, due to the time-consuming character of irrigation, women might be forced to neglect other duties, such as child care and household work which are generally female responsibilities.
Due to women´s key role in agricultural food production in many contexts[12] and the importance of AWM for food production, neglecting these constraints and impacts can prove fatal to the success of development projects. In the past, gender aspects were often neglected by development cooperation. There are numerous examples of development projects, irrigation projects in particular, that failed for this very reason (for examples in Kenya, the Gambia and Sri Lanka, see Zwarteveen 2006[13]).
Women’s role in AWM and their use of agricultural water are manifold: they might be involved in farming the communal household plot together with their husband or other male relatives, or have their own field. Agricultural gender patterns can be very complex, with further regional differences evident. For example, farming systems in South Asia tend to be male managed, whereas Sub-Saharan farming systems tend to be either female or mixed male/female led.[14] In Sub-Saharan Africa, where separate “women” plots are common in many societies,[14] women normally grow different crops or crop types on their parcels than men, which usually have different water needs than “men’s crops”. Women might also need water to irrigate their kitchen garden and water livestock. The latter is particularly common in South Asia.[15] Also, in many rural areas of the developing world, agricultural water, e.g. from canals, is used for (female) domestic tasks such as washing, cooking, etc.
Policies and Flagship Publications on “Gender and AWM”
After decades of relative insensitivity to gendered aspects of AWM, there have recently been a number of publications specifically covering this topic. Three of them are particularly noteworthy:
The World Bank, together with FAO and IFAD, published "Gender in Agriculture Sourcebook", which contains a separate chapter on Gender and AWM. Key challenges identified are gendered land and water rights; labour contribution to irrigated farms; decision-making at farm level; participation in water user organisations; and access of poor men and women to irrigation benefits and domestic/other uses of water. Special emphasis is put on multiple-use water services, as well as specific challenges regarding ground water management.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has issued the publication “Gender Checklist: Agriculture”.[16] In its section on irrigated agriculture, the Bank focuses on gendered water uses and irrigation needs; gendered impact of increased production and changing cropping patterns induced by irrigation; involvement and participation in water management including Water User Associations; and capacities of the executing agencies.
Finally, there is the FAO “Passport to Mainstreaming Gender in Water Programmes: Key Questions for Interventions in the Agricultural Sector”.[17] This provides a detailed set of questions that should be raised by development professionals before and while implementing AWM projects. Key dimensions and sub-aspects are raised, including often neglected areas such as intra-household decision-making power, the role of construction and maintenance work, differentiation between women and control of income.
Relation to Food Security and Climate Change
Due to its effect on water resources, climate change exacerbates the central role of AWM in agricultural production. In scenarios of increased water variability and insecurity – particularly in the case of drought coupled with instances of extreme flood as expected for many Sahel countries - an improved control and distribution of water over time and space is critical. As gender is a crucial aspect of AWM, increasing attention to AWM in the context of climate change should always go hand in hand with integrating gender aspects.
Due to the strong link of AWM and the “food availability” (production) as well as the “food accessibility” (income) dimensions of food security, consideration of gender aspects in AWM can be expected to improve food security. If the income of women increases due to a better integration in AWM, the (economic) access to food for women and children can also be expected to improve. Finally, women´s irrigated kitchen gardens tend to significantly increase the availability of nutritious food.
Approaches in Gender and AWM
The following are core areas in which gender based problems are frequently documented. However, this does not mean that they constitute obstacles for all women in all contexts. Discriminatory land tenure systems might hinder access to irrigation water for widows, but not for the married women in the same village. In a different context, women – married, divorced or widowed – might all have secure land rights, but face local customs restricting their access to public institutions. Also to note, even though the following are typical areas in which women face constraints, they do not do so exclusively. Men, particularly vulnerable, poor men, might also be affected in certain situations.
Targeting, Participation and Access to Institutions
Targeting women is not as clear-cut a goal as one might expect. In addition to the differentiation along the lines mentioned above (socio-economic and marital status, etc.), a decision has to be made regarding the involvement of women in agriculture and AWM. A project might only target those female farmers with decision-making power, or all female farmers regardless of decision-making control, or even all women affected by AWM. The latter category might qualify for a project focus for various reasons; for example, the impact of AWM on other non-AWM related livelihood activities (e.g. the collection of fodder). For instance, canal irrigation proved to be beneficial for the growth of pasture in India whereas groundwater irrigation was shown to decrease the availability of fodder in Bangladesh.[18] Hence, in the Indian example, women’s responsibilities related to fodder collection were alleviated while they were complicated in the Bangladeshi case.
Another key challenge is to increase the decision-making power and participation of women. Alongside the access to relevant institutions such as WUA and the enabling of actual participation versus mere presence, decision-making at household level has to be considered. The definition of WUA’ responsibilities strictly along male lines of interests - for example, including field but excluding garden irrigation – can serve as a further impediment to women’s inclusion. Also, in some countries such as India or Nepal, restrictive cultural norms heavily limit rural women’s ability to speak in public, particularly in front of males, and thus hinder women’s access to institutions.[15]
Where natural resources such as water are held, managed and utilized under indigenous tenure systems (e.g. in Pakistan and Afghanistan), the indigenous resource management institutions are usually male dominated.[19][20] The customary tenure system and local rules often reduce or even prevent the participation of women in resource management. However, in the case of utilization of natural resources, women are very much involved, sometimes more than men, or both women and men work side by side. Depending on the cultural context, women play a substantial role in agro-pastoral activities, including sowing and harvesting,[21] as well as looking after and irrigating the crops.
Apart from giving women an opportunity to voice their opinion and participate in decision-making, promoting women’s access to institutions improves their general ability to articulate and act upon their interests in public. Indirectly, this might also lead to an improvement of their overall standing and living conditions.
Control of Income
Ensuring women´s involvement in irrigation does not guarantee that women control the income derived from that production.[18] This is important from both a gender empowerment as well as from a practical perspective. Research from Sub-Saharan Africa, e.g. from Cameroon, the Gambia, Burkina Faso and Kenya, shows how women might withdraw or minimise their labour of the irrigated fields to focus instead on their “own” crops, such as sorghum, if the output of newly irrigated crops is solely controlled by their husband.[18] The intra-household control of output and income differs strongly between regions, countries and sub-regions of the same country, depending on local culture, customs and religion. Whereas in some areas women might control the output of their separate plot but not of the communal one, in other communities women might also have access to the income derived from general household production. Or, in yet other areas, women might not even control the output of their own plot, if existent. This variation in income control is illustrated by the case example of Mali (see section 3b), where all of the above options can be found.
For female headed households, women’s control of income is generally greater.
Land Tenure
Paying attention to the gendered dimension of land tenure is a further crucial factor. This includes an assessment of the existing land tenure system, the basis of plot allocation in the case of (new) irrigation schemes, as well as the type of land rights conferred by AWM projects.
Regarding the existing land tenure system, it is critical to identify (female) land rights and ensure that planned activities do not change the situation for the worse. This has happened in various irrigation projects in the past, particularly in West Africa, where in some cases the introduction of irrigated cultures led to the disappropriation of women: i.e. “their” land was taken away from them to create irrigation parcels to be used by male farmers or as communal plots, the output of which the women would often not control.[14][18]
In cases where plots are assigned, the selection might be based on previous tenure of land, any work or capital contributed towards the construction of the scheme, priority to household heads, the working capacity of a household, among others.[22] The suitability of what works best from a gender perspective strongly depends on existing land tenure patterns and the local situation. For example, allocation of irrigation plots on the basis of construction work might be discriminating in a context where such work is not socially acceptable for women; or where certain women might not have sufficient time available due to reproductive duties; or where not all women have male relatives or sufficient financial capital to substitute for their own labour. The allocation of plots normally goes hand in hand with the conferral of certain rights for these plots. These range from full-fledged Western-style ownership titles via a registration of customary rights to a system based on customary institutions and rights. What works best in terms of gender is controversial. (For current arguments, please consult [23][24][25][26][27])Customary law, for example, often discriminates against women, in some cases even banning female land ownership. However, this is not always the case; for instance, in some areas of Sub-Saharan Africa, women have customary rights to their own land parcels, often closely linked to the institution of marriage.[14]
The problems raised in the remaining sections mainly relate to irrigation.
Water Rights and Water Distribution
Women are often discriminated against regarding water distribution. They might receive less water, water of lesser quality, at less opportune times or no water at all. In times of water scarcity, including seasonal shortages, women’s water rights are particularly vulnerable.
The fact that water rights are strongly linked to land rights, which in certain areas tend to discriminate against women, exacerbates this situation. Specifics depend on the context, as local power relations, status and bargaining power of women in household and community might all play a role. Furthermore, water for agricultural purposes is accessed from a variety of sources, such as wells, rivers, canals, drainage water, lakes, rainwater harvesting, etc. Due to local norms and perceptions ruling gender appropriate behaviour, certain sources might be more easily accessible for women than others. For example, in areas where irrigation is perceived as a male task, it might be easier for women to use wells as a source of water for kitchen garden irrigation than to be granted a water turn from the irrigation canal. Also, in certain areas of South Asia, e.g. Nepal, fixed water schedules have been found to improve fair water distribution as they decrease the need for constant re-bargaining.[18] In areas where water institutions such as WUA are active, water distribution is often closely linked to access and participation in these organisations. In cases where women’s access to these institutions is restricted, their share of water might also be affected.
However, even in male dominated cultural contexts, there are a variety of avenues – some of them informal - women use to access agricultural water: e.g. they have male relatives or neighbours represent them at local water meetings (e.g. seen in Sri Lanka);[18] they “steal” water from the canal if not allocated any (e.g. documented in Nepal);[13] they irrigate at night to avoid social stigma; or they increase their bargaining power by acting as a group instead of single individuals.[28]
Time and Labour Factors
Time and labour availability, as well as the timing of AWM, are further critical factors.
Certain forms of AWM, such as irrigation, tend to be very time-consuming. Hence, participating in irrigated production might either increase women´s labour burden or it might – the other way around – exclude them due to other obligations on their time and labour, particularly in the form of reproductive duties. Changes in the local gender based division of labour, as a consequence of women’s increased involvement in AWM or economic value creation in general, can mitigate this conflict. Also, as documented in Nepal, the existence of irrigation systems can decrease the burden of domestic water collection, hence offsetting the time intensity of irrigated production.[18]
A second set of problems relates to the timing of irrigation,[18] i.e. to the question “when” irrigation is applied. Due to gendered labour patterns, the “when” might have a considerably gendered impact, easing either the work of women or that of men. For example, in South Asian countries such as India and Nepal, usually, men are responsible for land preparation whereas women are in charge of weeding. Therefore, additional irrigation before land preparation will alleviate men’s duties while deeper water levels at a later stage will lessen women’s work due to reduced weed growth.[18] Consequently, a male-biased timing of irrigation constitutes an important gender constraint.
Also, women´s crops – if existent – might need water at a different time then the (main) staple crop cultivated by men or communally. This is particularly relevant in Sub-Saharan Africa where (married) women often have a separate parcel which tends to be cultivated additionally to the communal plot. On a smaller scale, due to household chores or cultural norms, women might prefer to irrigate at specific times of the day, e.g. not at night (see [29][18]).
Access to Financial Capital
Financial means are crucial as irrigated agriculture is more capital intensive than rainfed farming, as it requires fertiliser inputs, membership and maintenance fees, costs for fuel, etc.[30] The gendered relevance is derived from two facts. Firstly, rural women often have less access to finance than men.[31] Secondly, irrigated agriculture can be a more expensive practice for women. For example, cultural norms or physical disadvantages sometimes prevent women from performing construction or maintenance tasks, resulting in them having to pay fees instead.[14]
Examples from Egypt and Mali
Egypt
In 2010, the agricultural component of the Egyptian-German Water Resources Management Reform Program conducted a gender analysis in order to identify gender gaps and starting points for future action in this area. The following are the main study results.
Due to the out-migration of men in the project area, an increasing number of women are now the main farmer/irrigator. This illustrates the importance of integrating gender into any AWM or irrigation project. The study found women´s access to formal institutions of decision-making, such as Water User Associations, to be almost non-existent. However, women did influence decision-making on crop selection via informal channels, mainly by communication with other male household members. One reason for women´s lack of participation in Water User Associations was the local perception of these matters to be “men´s issues”, as well as women themselves perceiving no direct benefits linked to participation. Actually, women did not consider themselves to be disadvantaged in this regard. On household level, women were found to be primary decision-makers regarding field water management/crop selection if farming independently (widows, husband migrated, etc.), but to be mostly excluded from decision-making in cases where the husband was present. A gendered information deficit was identified as a further key challenge. Finally, socio-cultural stigmas related to women working in farming and in irrigation are a challenging factor as women frequently deny their involvement in farming which makes it even more difficult to target them. In this project context, irrigation at night was not seen as a dangerous or culturally inappropriate action as women are normally accompanied by male relatives, e.g. sons.
The recommendations of the study were to “reduce the knowledge gap [trainings, gender sensitisation of extension workers; direct targeting of particularly deprived women]; strengthen appropriate forms of groupings and associations and revisit the concepts of gender and participation”.[32]
Mali
The following section is based on experiences of three GTZ/GIZ irrigation and rural development projects in Mali: the “Projet Irrigation de Proximité au Pays Dogon et dans le Bélédougou” (IPRO-DB);[33] the “Programme Mali-Nord”;[34] and the “Programme d'Appui au Sous-Secteur de l'Irrigation de Proximité” (PASSIP).[35]
In Northern Mali, in some cases it was found that having their own irrigation field allowed women to control the output/income themselves, whereas in other cases it didn´t make any difference if women owned and farmed independently or if they worked conjointly with their husbands. In the latter, outputs might be controlled solely by the husband or conjointly. This example illustrates the importance of paying attention to the intra-household control dimension, as merely enabling women to irrigate or to manage water effectively does not ensure that they are also able to accrue the related benefits.
Regarding the PASSIP project, the danger of further marginalisation of already disadvantaged groups – such as women – via economic, land and social changes induced by (new) irrigation schemes was stated. Preventing such a marginalisation is a key objective. The main constraints identified were women´s lack of access to the following: to resources (land, water, finance); to means of production (equipment, inputs); and to education, information, as well as access to decision-making power. Land tenure was identified as a particularly critical aspect. Aside from problems related to the discrimination against women in the customary system, past interventions were found to have shifted land control away from women in certain cases, such as in the conversion of inland valley rice fields. Another problem identified was the common habit of assigning new irrigation parcels to the (male) household head only. Group tenure of irrigation land was proposed as a possible way to secure land for women. Regarding participation, the importance of active participation as opposed to merely filling “women quotas” was underlined. As for future action, the need to provide training for women (farmers) in various areas such as production, marketing, leadership, women´s rights (e.g. land and water rights) and entrepreneurial thinking was stressed. Also, capacity building of other relevant stakeholders was recommended.
In the case of the IPRO-DB project, three key challenges were identified: land tenure, access to finance, and female time poverty. Also, there seems to be a tendency of men taking over production in traditional “female sectors”, such as vegetable farming, once it becomes profitable.
References
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 FAO (2011): The State of Food and Agriculture 2010-2011. Women in Agriculture, Closing the Gender Gap for Development. fckLRhttp://www.fao.org/docrep/013/i2050e/i2050e.pdf[2012-07-01]
- ↑ FAO (1997): Gender: the Key to Sustainability and Food security. SD Dimensions. http://www.fao.org/sd/WPdirect/WPdoe001.htm [2012-08-20]
- ↑ World Bank: Gender and Development. A Trainer’s Manual.fckLRhttp://info.worldbank.org/etools/docs/library/192862/introductorymaterials/Glossary.html
- ↑ FAO: Gender. Why Gender. fckLRhttp://www.fao.org/gender/gender-home/gender-why/why-gender/en/ [2012-11-07].
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 World Bank (2011): World Development Report 2012. Gender Equality and Development.fckLRhttp://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWDR2012/Resources/7778105-1299699968583/7786210-1315936222006/Complete-Report.pdf [2012-05-01]
- ↑ World Bank (2006): Gender Action Plan Gender Equity as Smart Economics.fckLRhttp://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGENDER/Resources/GAPNov2.pdf [2012-11-06]
- ↑ BMZ (2011): Gender Equality in Development Policy. Fact Sheets on Gender Equality in Development Cooperation.fckLRhttp://www.bmz.de/en/publications/topics/human_rights/Materialie210_Information_Brochure_03_2011.pdffckLR[2012-11-01]
- ↑ BMZ (2009): Development Policy Action Plan on Gender 2009 – 2012. Empowering Women: Because one half of the world cannot survive without the other. – Empowering Women: Because one half of humankind cannot survive without the other.fckLRhttp://www.bmz.de/en/publications/type_of_publication/strategies/konzept185.pdf [2012-11-03]
- ↑ GIZ (2012): Gender Strategy - Gender pays off.fckLRhttp://www.giz.de/Themen/de/dokumente/giz-gender-strategy-en-2012.pdf [2012-11-06]
- ↑ World Bank, FAO, IFAD (2009): Gender in Agriculture Sourcebook. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGENAGRLIVSOUBOOK/Resources/CompleteBook.pdf [2012-11-06].
- ↑ UNEP: Women and the Environment. Chapter 5: Women and Water Management.fckLRhttp://www.unep.org/PDF/Women/ChapterFive.pdf [2013-01-09].
- ↑ For Sub-Saharan Africa, see Joireman, S.F. (2008): The Mystery of Capital Formation in Sub-Saharan Africa. Women, Property Rights and Customary Law. In: World Development, 36 (7), pp. 1233–1246.
- ↑ 13.0 13.1 Zwarteveen, M. (2006): Wedlock or deadlock? Feminists’ Attempts to Engage Irrigation Engineers. Wageningen, The Netherlands: Wageningen University. http://edepot.wur.nl/121803 [2013-01-21].
- ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 IWMI/ Van Koppen, B. (2002): A Gender Performance Indicator for Irrigation. Concept, Tools and Applications. Research Report 59.fckLRhttp://www.iwmi.cgiar.org/Publications/IWMI_Research_Reports/PDF/pub059/Report59.pdf [2012-11-07].
- ↑ 15.0 15.1 Hussain, I. (2007): Understanding Gender and Diversity Dimensions of Irrigation Management for Pro-Poor Interventions. In: Irrigation and Drainage, 56, pp. 299-305.
- ↑ Asian Development Bank (ADB) (2006): Gender Checklist. Agriculture.fckLRhttp://www.adb.org/publications/gender-checklist-agriculture [2012-11-01].
- ↑ FAO (2012): Passport to Mainstreaming Gender in Water Programmes. Key Questions for Interventions in the Agricultural Sector.fckLRhttp://www.fao.org/docrep/016/ap089e/ap089e00.pdf [2012-06-11].
- ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 18.3 18.4 18.5 18.6 18.7 18.8 18.9 Zwarteveen, M. (1995): Linking Women to the Main Canal. Gender and Irrigation Management. IEED Gatekeeper Series No. 54. http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/6068IIED.pdf [2012-11-06].
- ↑ IFPRI/ Knox, A. and Meinzen-Dick, R.S. (2001): Collective actions, property rights, and devolution of natural resource management: Exchange of knowledge and implications for policy. CAPRi Working Paper No. 11. http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/publications/capriwp11.pdf [2013-01-21].
- ↑ GIZ/ Guenther, N. (2010): Management and utilization of natural resources in Afghan mountain villages. A Study of Common Property Regimes and Rural Livelihood Systems in the Hindu Kush (internal paper, not published).
- ↑ Agarwal, B. (1997): Environmental action, gender equity and women’s participation. In: Development and Change, 28, pp. 1-41.
- ↑ Cotula, L. (2008): The Property Rights Challenges of Improving Access to Water for Agriculture. Lessons from the Sahel. In: Journal of Human Development and Capabilities, 9 (1), pp. 5-22.
- ↑ Agarwal, B. (2003): Gender and Land Rights revisited. Exploring New Prospects via the State, Family and Market. In: Journal of Agrarian Change, 3 (1-2), pp. 184-224.
- ↑ FAO/Djiré, M. (2006): Improving Tenure Security for the Rural Poor: Mali Country Case Study. LEP Working Paper 4, Workshop for Sub-Saharan Africa.fckLRftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/010/k0785e/k0785e00.pdf [2012-05-10].
- ↑ Jackson, C. (2003): Gender Analysis of Land: Beyond Land Rights for Women. In: Journal of Agrarian Change, 3 (4), pp. 453-480.
- ↑ Toulmin, C. (2008): Securing Land and Property Rights in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Local Institutions. In: Land Use Policy, 26, pp. 10-19.
- ↑ Whitehead, A. and Tsikata, D. (2003): Policy Discourses on Women´s Land Rights in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Implications of the Re-Turn to the Customary. In: Journal of Agrarian Change 3 (1-2), pp. 67-112.
- ↑ Cleaver, F (1998): Incentives and informal institutions: Gender and the management of water. In: Agriculture and Human Values, 15, pp. 347-360.
- ↑ FAO/ Rathgeber, E. (2003): Dry Taps…Gender and Poverty in Water Resource Management.fckLRftp://ftp.fao.org/docrep/fao/005/AC855E/AC855E00.pdf [2012-06-01].
- ↑ Nation, M.L. (2010): Understanding Women´s Participation in Irrigated Agriculture: A Case Study from Senegal. In: Agriculture and Human Values, 27, pp. 163-176.
- ↑ FAO/ Fletschner, D. and Kenney, L. (2011): Rural Women’s Access to Financial Services: Credit, Savings and Insurance. ESA Working Paper No. 11-07. http://www.fao.org/docrep/013/am312e/am312e00.pdf [2012-06-11].
- ↑ GTZ/ Radwan, H. (2010): Women and Water Management in Egypt. An Empirical Study.
- ↑ GIZ, KfW and Direction Nationale de l’ Agriculture (DNA) (2011): Produits et expériences de l‘ IPRO-DB (Irrigation de Proximité au Pays Dogon et dans le Bélédougou). Rôle des femmes dans l’irrigation de proximité.
- ↑ GTZ/ Rocksloh-Papendiek, B. (2010): Frauen in der Bewässerungslandwirtschaft: Erfahrungen und Ergebnisse des Programms Mali- Nord 1995- 2010.
- ↑ GIZ/Keita, A. (2012): Etude sur les besoins en formation des femmes dans l’irrigation de proximité. Une contribution à l’élaboration du plan de formation des acteurs intermédiaires de l’irrigation de proximité.
Additional information
GTZ/ Radwan, H. (2010): Women and Water Management in Egypt. An Empirical Study.
